The impact of a divided society in Bosnia: Unveiling the Profound Clash between Islam and Christian Orthodoxy in the Bosnian War
The success of Bosnia as an interethnic and multireligious state in the long term holds significant implications for the future security of Europe. This success points toward a trajectory of multiculturalism, similar to the diverse coexistence experienced in Bosnia during the 1990s.
While U.S. officials like American diplomat Holbrooke, along with media outlets such as CNN and researchers like Aitchison43, often refrain from attributing religious elements to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is crucial to acknowledge their existence. Historical religious tensions between Muslims and the more conservative branch of Christianity, the Orthodox Christians, have played a role in the region and became evident during the Bosnian War. NATO’s prohibition of weapons used by Bosnians stemmed from the fear of militant Islamic fundamentalism embedded in the core values of the Muslim religion.
In 1993, Kaplan, in his book on the history of the Balkans, portrayed Sarajevo as a place where Croats, Serbs, Muslims, and Jews had historically coexisted in reasonable harmony. However, the surrounding villages were marked by deep-seated animosity, fueled by poverty and religious differences. President Bill Clinton’s intervention in the conflict could have been influenced by Kaplan’s historical account, emphasizing centuries-old religious antagonisms between Christians and Muslims in the region. This position faced criticism for the delayed military intervention and subsequent atrocities.
Holbrooke, Assistant Secretary of State during the Balkan conflict, argued that a misunderstanding of the Balkans by Western historians and an artificially emphasized trans-generational conflict contributed to the belief that intervention would be ineffective. Religious and ethnic tensions around the city were fueled by poverty and religious alcoholism. This misinterpretation of Balkan history and an artificial emphasis on trans-generational conflict were considered major errors delaying intervention in Bosnia.
Clinton’s association with Kaplan’s book drew media attention, with outlets like the New York Times suggesting that the president was guided by Kaplan’s narrative. The media, adopting a pro-Bosnian Muslim and pro-intervention stance against the Serbs, interpreted Kaplan’s work as emphasizing the complex nature of the Yugoslav region due to ethnic hatred and violence. Kaplan’s writings discouraged potential U.S. involvement in a historically and culturally delicate situation.
After tensions between Bosnia and Serbia, the region declared independence in 1992. Aitchison suggests that ethnic tensions were exacerbated by propaganda, implying that Bosnian Muslims sought to introduce Sharia law or denigrate Muslim Slavs as genetically inferior.
From a recent historical perspective, Burg argues that common identities in Bosnia were not pronounced before the war. However, the collapse of the broader Yugoslav identity heightened the importance of incidental religious identities, with each group identifying more with its cultural community and defining itself in religious terms. Despite the lack of pronounced religious tensions during the Yugoslav period, these tensions may have been masked by the strictly secular communist ideology of that time.
Religious antagonisms were present in Bosnia, with ethnic tensions tracing back to the region’s religious history. Huntington notes that during the Ottoman conquests, urban southern Slavs often converted to Islam, creating a distinction between Bosnian Muslims and Orthodox Serbs. Citizens with a new religious identity identified ethnically as Turks during the Austrian occupation, contributing to perceptions of alignment with the opposition.
In 1961, Serbs constituted 43%, and Muslims 26% of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s population. By 1991, the proportions reversed, with Serbs at 31% and Muslims at 44%. Croats decreased from 22% to 17% during these 30 years. A notable event involving Alija Izetbegovic was perceived as Islamic radicalism and a threat to Yugoslavia’s security. Izetbegovic, a politician and Islamic philosopher, was tried in 1980 for publishing “The Islamic Declaration” and later wrote “Islam between East and West.” Sells argues that interpretations varied, but the profound impact was on nationalist Serbs who saw it as a struggle against an Islamic state.
These religious and cultural antagonisms weren’t confined to the Balkans. The fear of Islam, stemming from transgenerational trauma and conceptualizing Islam as a religion, was not unique to Serbs but extended to the West. Lewis’s controversial article distinguishing Islam from other religions influenced Huntington’s “The Clash of Civilizations,” highlighting cultural-social elements of Islam in opposition to the West.
Serbia had a strong affiliation with Eastern Orthodox dogmatic religion, and the defeat of Prince Lazar in the 14th century’s Kosovo region by the Ottomans was preserved in Serbian history as a deep wound. This mythical Orthodox Christian aspect of Serbian identity became crucial, especially in the conflict in Kosovo.
In conclusion, religious motivations and their role in the former Yugoslavia conflict were often dismissed but played a significant indirect role in the Bosnian War. The intensification of religious ideologies opposed the rationality of a civilized world.
The Bosnian War serves as a stark reminder of the far-reaching consequences when a society is too divided from a cultural and religious standpoint. The clash between Islam and Christian Orthodoxy, often downplayed or overlooked, became a catalyst for conflict, delaying international intervention and leaving lasting scars on the social fabric of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The unravelling of common identities and the emergence of religious fault lines underscore the imperative of addressing cultural and religious divisions to foster a harmonious and inclusive society.
The lessons drawn from Bosnia emphasize the critical importance of fostering dialogue and understanding between religions and cultures. Building cohesive and healthy societies requires acknowledging and bridging the gaps created by historical animosities. It necessitates an active commitment to open conversations, embracing diversity, and learning from the mistakes of the past. Only through such efforts can societies hope to build resilience against divisive forces, creating a world where harmony and understanding prevail.
This article is a short extract translated from Romanian to English from the Master’s thesis titled “NATO’s Adaptation after the Cold War. A Case Study on Bosnia and Herzegovina,” published in 2021, Alexandra Dorin. Alexandru Ioan Cuza University, Iasi, Romania. European Studies of Integration and Security.
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